《经济学人》杂志关于福建的报道 主题选项

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經濟學人：中國福建省經濟想起飛 要靠台灣作跳板！
2006/11/29 16:01


【綜合外電‧11月29日】 中國的福建省有點被邊緣化的感覺。雖然珠江三角 洲以南，長江三角洲以北地區相當繁盛，位處亞熱帶的 福建省雖有繁華，卻不起眼。中央政府每回排定的區域 開發，總是見不到福建的身影。不過近幾個月來，經由 重新定位的巧妙安排，福建省竟然動了起來，而「拯救 他於水火的，正是和該地隔著 125-160公里寬的海峽對 望的台灣」。

《經濟學人》指出，點綴福州及廈門等兩大城市街 道的廣告看版及紅色旗幟，讓福建的嶄新形象清晰可見 。福建已不再是單純的福建，它是海峽西岸的特別經濟 區。這樣的頭銜或許不會令人誤解，但是它卻負有政治 進口的意涵，福建也希望可以取得花費更多政府資金的 執照。

3 年前，當時的福建省長 Lu Zhangong首度向省級 的立法機關揭露了西岸品牌。為了讓這個品牌聽起來不 像是為了喚醒眾人對福建注意力的大聲疾呼，鄰近福建 省的部分區域也被納入。中央政府同意了此一提案。《 西岸構想》囊括了海峽東岸的台灣，藉由將台灣納入經 濟區域的一環，落實利用經濟整合引誘台灣和中國統一 的策略。

和中國勒緊腰帶的政策一致，福建計畫每年讓當地 經濟成長逾9%，過去 5年當地經濟每年平均成長 10.7% 。但是要讓福建成為能夠吸引台灣投資的吸磁，福建有 些大型計畫正在醞釀。福建鐵道的長度計畫增加 50%以 上，達2500公里。快速鐵路將擴張一倍至2450公里。貨 物運輸能量將增加將近 80%，其 5個主要機場的載客量 ，將增加將近100%。

《經濟學人》分析，福建省的野心能否成功，當然 要視台灣的反應而定。福建一直忙於和當地的反對黨成 員討論，但並沒有和台灣的高層交涉。台灣當局對於和 中國建立經濟關係深表懷疑。沒有台灣的許可，福建機 場擴張計畫可能胎死腹中。兩岸間並沒有直航，每年只 有少數的客機包機飛越海峽。

而果如一般預期，陳水扁政府拒絕了西岸計畫，認 為那是中國的計倆，目的在將台灣的地位降至中國省級 的地位。不過福建省的官員卻很樂觀。在廈門高科技工 業發展區，Xiong Fujing表示，他預期未來 5年當地 60% 的投資將來自台灣。直到去年，台灣在福建只有 2 項投資計畫。

而且，福建省官員已將目光轉向2008年的台灣選舉 。台北市長暨主要反對黨領袖馬英九，目前正遭到貪污 的指控。但是中國希望馬英九，或是和他類似的某人能 夠成為台灣的新領導人。馬曾經表示台灣和中國應當建 立共同市場。

Xiong 表示，由於福建的帶動，多家台灣大型企業 近來已經同意投資當地。去年稍晚台灣的中華映管，已經成為中國主要面板電視製造商，位在 廈門的Xoceco(夏華電子)的最大股東。

更龐大的計畫仍在醞釀。在有關西岸計畫的一場座 談會中，廈門的一位學者在上週建議，「廈門和台灣管 轄的金門合併，形成一個特別城市」。中國媒體引用他 的說法指出，這個特別城市搭配一個類似香港的機場， 將成為一個巨大的貿易中心。

「想法聽來不錯，就看台灣會不會同意」。

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http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displa...tory_id=8319552

Digging for victory
Nov 23rd 2006 | FUZHOU AND XIAMEN
From The Economist print edition

A Chinese province woos Taiwan for the sake of its own economy
Imaginechina
THE Chinese province of Fujian has been feeling a bit left out. While the Pearl River delta to the south and the Yangtze delta to the north have boomed, subtropical Fujian has prospered too, but not quite so impressively. Every time the central government picks a new area for development, Fujian is not in it. But in recent months, with some clever rebranding, the province has been on a roll. Salvation, it hopes, lies in Taiwan, just across a 125-160 kilometre-wide (78-100 mile) strait.

Fujian's new brand is visible on billboards and red banners adorning the streets of its two biggest cities, Fuzhou, the capital, and Xiamen, a southern port that was one of China's original (and now redundant) “special economic zones”. Fujian is no longer plain Fujian. It is the “Economic Zone on the West Coast of the Strait”. The title may not trip off the tongue, but it is laden with political import and, Fujian hopes, comes with a licence to spend a lot more government money.

Three years ago, Lu Zhangong, Fujian's then governor (now Communist Party chief as well), first unveiled the West Coast brand to the provincial legislature. So as not to make it sound too much like a selfish cry for attention for Fujian, parts of neighbouring provinces were also included. The central government approved. The West Coast idea implies the existence of a zone on the east side of the strait, ie, Taiwan. By posing as part of an economic region embracing Taiwan, Fujian played up to China's strategy of using economic integration to entice Taiwan into unification with the mainland.

A visit by President Hu Jintao to Fujian in January sealed the deal. In March development of the West Coast zone was stated as a national goal in China's new five-year plan. Such an endorsement was vital for Fujian. The central government is trying to put the brakes on investment in fixed assets as a way of preventing the economy from overheating. But Fujian can use its new clout to gain speedier approvals in Beijing for big projects. Had the new plan omitted the West Coast zone, Fujian would have found itself feeling even more left out, because it also endorsed the development of a rival region centred around the Bohai Gulf in northern China. Fujian officials worry that, despite the ancestral and linguistic ties many have with Fujian, Taiwanese investors in high-tech industries prefer the north and areas around Shanghai, such as Jiangsu, where skilled labour is more abundant.

In line with the central government's belt-tightening policy, Fujian's plan modestly calls for growth of “more than 9%” annually, compared with an average of 10.7% in the previous five years (Guangdong and Jiangsu recorded annual growth of around 13% from 2001 to 2005). But to make itself a new magnet for Taiwanese investment, Fujian has some big plans afoot. The length of Fujian's railway lines is to increase by more than 50% to 2,500km. Expressways will double to 2,450km. Cargo-handling capacity will expand by nearly 80% and passenger capacity at its five main airports by nearly 100%.

The province's ambitions depend, of course, on Taiwan. Fujian has been busily discussing its plans with members of opposition parties there, but not with the island's leadership, which is deeply suspicious of economic ties with the mainland. Without Taiwan's consent, Fujian's airport expansion projects might well be wasted. There are no scheduled direct flights between the island and China. Only a handful of chartered flights carry passengers across the strait each year. The first chartered cargo flight from Taiwan since 1949 landed in Shanghai only in July. Political hang-ups on both sides have blocked regular air links. Shipping links are little better.

But Fujian officials have their eye on Taiwan's presidential election in 2008, when the island's president, Chen Shui-bian, is constitutionally required to step down (assuming corruption scandals do not bring him down earlier). Ma Ying-jeou, Taipei's mayor and the leader of Taiwan's biggest opposition party, the Kuomintang, has faced corruption allegations himself. But China hopes that he—or someone like him—will be the next president. Mr Ma has said Taiwan and China should set up a “common market”.

Mr Chen's administration has heaped scorn on Fujian's ambitions. It has dismissed the West Coast strategy as a ploy to reduce Taiwan to the status of a partner of a Chinese province rather than a nation in its own right. But Fujian's officials are optimistic. At Xiamen's high-tech industrial development zone, Xiong Fujing says he expects 60% of investment in the zone over the next five years to come from Taiwan, compared with only two Taiwanese projects there up until last year. Mr Xiong says that, thanks to Fujian's drive, several big Taiwanese companies have recently agreed to invest in the zone. Late last year a Taiwanese company, Chunghwa Picture Tubes, became the biggest shareholder in one of China's leading flat-screen television-makers, Xoceco, based in Xiamen.

There are yet more grandiose plans in the air. At a symposium on the West Coast project, a Xiamen scholar proposed this week that Xiamen unite with the Taiwanese-held island of Kinmen, just a few kilometres away, to form a “special city”. This, he was quoted as saying by the Chinese press, could become a huge trading hub with an airport like Hong Kong's. A nice idea, if only Taiwan would say yes.

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